公正党不是巫统，这一点非常明确。首先，公正党没有所谓盲目的忠诚。党不会美化（或在巫统所谓保护）涉及不法行为的领袖；公正党领袖遴选是透明的，也允许党员公开辩论、讨论甚至反对。
这可以诠释为公正党言行一致，展现做为一个民主的政党，没有任何人可超越组织。党利益永远是第一的。巫统就因将个人利益置于党之上，而在5月9日的第14届大选中付出了代价。
从公正党内部互相公开的批评、争议现象，也可以理解为其不像巫统般，不懂得如何避免家丑外扬。作为组成联邦政府仅四个月的执政联盟成员党（尽管已执政雪州10年），或许其应更精明向人们和投资者展示，这是一个上下一心，把国家利益置于任何个人利益之前的政党。
基于公正党拥有47国席，是希盟内最大的政党，其有责任解除批评者和政治观察家一直所担心的局面：这个20年前因前副首相安华遭革职后创立的政党，最终因党内权力的争夺而变质。
房长质疑波德申行动
那些当年的安华支持者，“搭乘”安华的知名度和民众对安华及其家族遭遇的同情，获得了影响力，如今更在新政府中身居高位。
这20年来的斗争中，作出牺牲的不仅仅是安华及他的家人──副首相拿督斯里旺阿兹莎一边负起抚养6个孩子责任，同时也把公正党建设起来、努鲁依莎和兄弟姐妹更须在父亲的缺席下，度过成长的岁月，其他领袖如署理主席阿兹敏阿里、副主席蔡添强和总秘书长赛夫丁也曾因坚守原则而面对监禁的苦难，他们并没有出卖领袖，以换取奢华的退休生活。
但如今一些后来者却认为他们有权决定和修改希盟之前承诺的领导层安排。在大选前，有人告诉选民安华是候任的首相。在今年1月7日，也是希盟总秘书的赛夫丁指出，若希盟胜出，希盟4党同意敦马哈迪出任首相，之后安华再接任，正如20年前安华还没遭革除前的计划那样。
公正党妇女组主席祖莱达曾质疑马哈迪作为首相人选，但她没反对安华的继任。如今，她是马哈迪内阁的房地部长。四个月后，祖莱达是其中一位质疑“波德申行动”的党内领袖。
不喜欢家族王朝
人们已对安华为了上位，而不惜制造补选，感到厌倦。首先是峇东埔，然后是加影，如今是波德申。但如果他没有进入国会，他怎能继任首相？或者他应该如此吗？
当公正党的许多国会议员表明愿意让出自己国席让安华上阵时，同样是国会议员的安华妻子和女儿却沉默不出声，这是令人不安的。这或许是旺阿兹莎应作出的最重要牺牲──让出班登国席给安华，并退休亨受另一种生活。
如果命中注定，安华的首相命是短暂和具影响力的。70岁的安华应思考未来接班人的安排，这包括声势日益高涨，如今才54岁的阿兹敏，后者还有很长的政治生涯。同时，也应让努鲁依莎脱离父母的影响，追求自己的政治生涯，进入联邦行政部门。这是人们所能理解和尊重的父爱。
无论领导人多受观迎，马来西亚选民都不太喜欢家族“王朝”。与此同时，公正党内部最好能紧密团结，停止争权夺利，以改变该党存在人们的印象，一个不断为权力、官位分配争吵，甚至有议员跳槽，导致政权转移的政党。
大选胜利后，角逐公正党署理主席的拉菲兹，就曾对马哈迪的内阁分配有所不满。最近，他因维护“波德申行动”立场，而遭到蔡添强、祖莱达炮轰。也许这是如今身为党主席的安华，出任首相前的其中一项考验，即能否结合党内的各派。
另一个处境是，安华须向对烈火莫熄运动不了解，甚至不认识的年轻一代证明，为何他能胜任首相。而一旦安华接任后，那些质疑他执政能力的人，最好能确保他们在继任计划中的地位是合理的。
For King and Country. Family is optional
TERENCE FERNANDEZ
ONE thing has been made clear. PKR is not UMNO. For starters there is no blind loyalty in PKR. The party does not glorify (or in the case of UMNO protect) its leaders who are involved in wrongdoings; it members debate, discuss and disagree openly and are transparent in its preferred choice of leaders.
This can be interpreted as an illustration of PKR walking the talk as a democratic party where no one is bigger than the organization. The party comes first. Umno learnt that bitter lesson when it put individual interests above the party and paid the price in the 14th General Election on May 9.
But the open criticisms, disagreements and caustic exchanges can also be construed as a party, that unlike UMNO, does not know how not to air its dirty linen in public.
As a party that has been part of the federal administration for only four months (albeit running Selangor for a decade); it is probably prudent for PKR to show the rakyat and investors that it is a united organization that puts the nation before self or any other person’s interest.
As the largest party within the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition with 47 seats in Parliament, it is the responsible thing to do – allaying concerns that PKR seems to be confirming what its critics and political observers had feared all along – that greed for positions and influence will spell the end of the party that was formed on the cusp of its leader and founder Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s sacking as Deputy Prime Minister two decades ago, and the incarceration and physical abuse he endured until his Royal pardon and release one week after the historic election results.
Those who supported him also rode on Anwar’s popularity and the sympathy showered on him and his family to attain influence and today high positions in the new government.
Granted the sacrifice is not exclusively Anwar’s and his family’s – Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr. Wan Azizah Wan Ismail had to build PKR and practically bring up six children single-handedly for two decades.
Nurul Izzah Anwar and her siblings were robbed of a paternal presence in their youth and formative years.
Other PKR leaders such as deputy president Datuk Seri Azmin Ali, vice president Tian Chua and secretary general Datuk Saifuddin Nasution also endured imprisonment for staying true to their principles instead of betraying their leader and retiring to a life of luxury.
Since we are on the subject, the “Johnny (and Jill) Come Lately-s” now feel they are entitled to dictate and amend the leadership transition that was part of the PH promise in the election campaign.
Before we went to the polls it was communicated to the electorate that Anwar is the prime minister in waiting.
On January 7, Saifuddin Nasution as PH secretary general announced that it has been agreed that Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad will be prime minister if PH wins the general election; and Anwar will succeed him – as it was planned 20 years ago before everything went to hell in a handbasket.
This agreement was even signed by the four parties that make up the PH coalition – PKR, DAP, Bersatu and Amanah.
PKR Wanita chief Zuraida Kamaruddin had questioned Mahathir as the choice for prime minister but had not protested against Anwar succeeding him.
Today she is the Housing and Local Government Minister in Mahathir’s cabinet.
Four months on, Zuraida is among those in PKR who are questioning the Port Dickson move to engineer Anwar’s formal entry into Parliament, to facilitate his way to Seri Perdana.
One understands the fatigue over another tailor-made by-election to facilitate Anwar’s ascension to power. First it was Permatang Pauh then Kajang and now Port Dickson.
But how else is he going to be prime minister if he does not make it to Parliament? Or should he at all?
Agreed, it does not augur well for the family when many MPs in PKR were offering their seats to Anwar while his wife and daughter were silent on theirs.
Here is where perhaps Wan Azizah is expected to make one final sacrifice – give up Pandan to her husband and retire to a different life of service as the people had assumed.
If he is meant to fulfil a destiny, Anwar’s premiership should be brief and impactful. Anwar, who is 70 should oversee a proper succession plan that could include but goes beyond the popular Azmin, who is only 54 and have a long political life ahead of him.
It would also allow Nurul Izzah to chart he political career and ascension into the federal administration, independent of her parents’ personal ambitions. It is the fatherly sacrifice that people would understand and respect.
The Malaysian electorate are not too fond of dynasties no matter how likeable or lovable the leaders are.
Meanwhile it would be best for PKR to close ranks and cease proving that it is a seat-grabbing party. This has been the perception of the party due to several frogs in its midst who had crossed over and caused a state to collapse and the constant bickering over posts, positions and seat allocations.
Fresh from PH’s victory, deputy president aspirant Rafizi Ramli had gone on a rant over the few ministerial seats that PKR had received in Mahathir’s cabinet despite commanding the majority in Parliament.
And his recent aside against Tian Chua that only a select few were told of the Port Dickson move deserved the sarcastic rebuke from Zuraida who paralleled the party to a secret society.
Perhaps now that he is the president of the party he founded, Anwar’s litmus test for prime minister is being able to unify the various factions within PKR.
Anwar also finds himself in an unusual situation of having to justify why he deserved to be prime minister to a new section of the electorate who were too young to remember or appreciate the Reformasi Movement.
Once he succeeds, those still questioning his ability to govern would be better assured that his place in the succession plan is deserved and justified.
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