第一届独中统一考试（简称统考）是于1975年举办，尽管当时面对时任教育部长马哈迪的反对──它反映了全国13州华教领导人的集体决定，即华社对母语教育的坚定追求，以捍卫华教作为传承中华传统文化与优秀价值观的堡垒。44年后的今天，统考受到世界1000所大学的承认。此外，中国北大、清华、新加坡国立大学和台湾等一流大学，也为优秀独中生提供奖学金。
独中的毕业生，诸如吉隆玻中华独中，从1980年代至今，就有超过100位毕业生，在世界著名大学，如耶鲁、剑桥、牛津研读博士与博士后课程，这些课程皆是当下国家发展成为先进国急需的技术，其中包括医疗、物理、化学、核子、人工智能的先进研究。
独中教育的质量也反映在独中毕业生在各行各业的杰出表现──无论是在中小企业、本地大公司或国际层面的跨国公司；其中一个例子就是毕业自巴生滨华独中，扬名于世的单一晶片随身碟研发人兼台湾群联董事长拿督潘健成。
承认统考文凭是第14届大选希盟政府的承诺。今年初首相敦马在回应延后承认统考时，表明需要考虑马来人的感受，还有巫裔与华裔在社会经济上的差距。在此之前，反对党、马来非政府组织、一些学术人员和马来大专生对统考要求承认，提出诸多煽动种族情绪的指控，包括纠合群众示威。
注重全方面发展
为此，政府成立了独中统考特别委员会来研究统考的承认课题。这包括马来语作为国语的地位，统考生作为马来西亚公民的身份认同，以及独中历史课程在国家建设的相关性；还有承认统考是否威胁国民的融合与团结。
针对以上的指责与论调，本人就造访了董总，吉隆坡与巴生的6所独中，了解独中与统考的由来，包括独中的办学理念与教学模式，撰写了一份研究报告。
报告中，我就指出今天的独中教育，不再是1960至1980年代的母语教育模式──除了坚持母语作为教学媒介，传承文化价值，保持数理的强项教学外，独中现在的特色是“扎根于文化，坐落于国土，人文科技并重，面向世界”。
独中从当年强调对母语教学的捍卫，到1980-1990年代弹性的推行双轨制教育，即学生除了报考统考外，也报考公共考试如大马教育文凭（SPM）和大马高等学校文凭（STPM）。尤有进者，在2010年的不少独中，更在初中与高中阶段，规定学生报考国际英文考试，为学生的将来与深造铺路。
21世纪之际，独中教育除了保持须考获56-60分的升学制外， 更强调学生全方面的平衡发展。2005年的独中教改侧重培育学生应对生活，生命和时代挑战应有的能力。课程重视辅导，课外活动，社会科学研究。校风强调知书识礼，学校设立历史走廊，推行感恩文化，并在每天早上规定学生晨读20分钟，养成学生对阅读的习惯与热忱。简而言之，独中教育贵在养成学生对自己、家人、学校、社区展示自主，关爱与尽责的训练，并为国家培育有素质的社会人力资源。
在2015年之后，雪隆一带的独中，更是跑在董总的前头，教学强调使学生跟上数码时代和世界的发展。教育强调人文科技并重，简称为STREAM教学， 课程涵盖科学（Science），技术（Technology），工程（Engineering），数学（Maths） 以及阅读（Read）与研究（Research），艺术与人文（Arts）。
这些课程的授导，是通过学校正规，课后及学校老师，校长，董事长，校友的身教，包括学生跟社会，社区的互动，来孕育学生在德智体美劳六育的平衡发展。以上叙述的就是2018独中教育大蓝图侧重的教育理念，它是通过课程，评估，师资的提升，与社区的互动来落实。
针对统考文凭的种种指控，在研究报告里，本人就点出在某种程度上，独中的历史课程比国中的更符合历史教学与国家教育的理念。
客观编写历史课程
独中历史课程的编写，是以世界视角切入，而国家历史的叙述，是坐落在世界与区域历史事件发展的背景中， 这是一种见树见林的历史叙述，符合国家教育大蓝图的理念，奠定学生对知识较全面的认知，也是培养学生具有高度思维的批判能力，并促进学生深入学习的求知能力。
反观，政府学校的历史课程，就如历史学者蓝吉星（Ranjit Singh）与安焕然教授再三的告诫，多达40％至70％的历史内容是在推崇单一种族、文化和宗教的教导；对于区域性的历史，以及少数民族对于国家的贡献，包括马来西亚作为多元种族社会的背景，处于蜻蜓点水的边缘化，缺乏具体及老实的交待。
如是的历史课程，不仅违背了历史教育的本意，也造就了一个认知肤浅，以单一族利益为重，对世界缺乏认识，对少数族群缺乏包容与尊重的民族。这也说明马来民族在对统考不求了解的前提下，就为反对而反对。这是马哈迪与巫统政府推行分而治之的种族政策写照。
宏观的视角
本人研究报告，为政府提供了一个宏观的尺度，作为审核统考课程与国家建设的相符性应有的考虑，而不是陷于玩弄狭隘种族的情绪及国民身份的认同。譬如，要独中生报考SPM的马来文， 这已不是一个教育的问题，因为单是在2015年至2017年期间，每年报考SPM马来考卷的独中生，就有70％或1万之多，及格率高至90%，其中10％更取得特优成绩，这充分驳斥了有关独中生不尊重马来文作为国语的指责。
更甚的是，在独中执教的非华裔老师就有15%-25%是马来人与印度同胞，他们负责授导马来文、英文、历史与道德， 一一受到学生的爱戴。 除此之外，60%的教师是在本地大学毕业，采访中的6所独中，其中4所的校长，就是本地大学毕业，更有两位是曾服务于国中的资深校长。
这些独中，也与国内私立伊斯兰学校（Musleh-Ikramn办的）师生联举跨族群活动。类似的办学面貌，表现的不就是马来西亚多元的色彩？又怎样违反国家的意愿，与共产主义扯上关系呢？
另一个需要承认统考的理由，是减少独中人才的流失，独中生如今是新加坡其中主要人才来源。独中毕业生的学术成就和质量是深受跨国企业肯定的，尤其是中国和台湾外资的偏爱，他们填补了来自单一语言，单一文化国家的外商需求。
独中校友也是国家的宝贵资源，因为许多也是中小型的企业家，贵为马来西亚第二经济的火车头，为国人提供成千上百的就业机会。我国应该善用他们的才能，实现马来西亚成为发达国家和区域教育中心的目标。
独中对国家的另一项重要贡献，是华社对其的资助，每年为政府减轻的财务负担是数于百万计算，2012年至2015年，独中的开销不敷3000万至3700万之间。2019年，全国独中人数就超过8万5000名，这些年来华社就为国家培育了65万的社会人力资源。
资料显示，超过60%的独中毕业生，是来自中下阶层家庭，作为一个全民的政府，政府大学录取独中生，是义不容辞的──这不只符合促进中低阶层的向上移动的需要，也符合明确列在马来西亚教育大蓝图中的最终意愿，既是国家教育制度的执行，须以公平，公正，不分族群的开放为准则（equity，equality and inclusiness in access）。
这同时也为大多数在公立就读被隔绝的的马来同胞提供一个多元族群，多元文化色彩的求知环境。那才是足以提升马来同胞的竞争力。同样，录取独中生为公务员，将可促进社会融合和提高国家社会的可持续发展。
明显的，多元的民族、语言和文化，是国家的财富。统考问题不应就少数政治人物的政治利益，而衍生为种族和民粹主义的问题。对统考的承认，须从国家发展（2020宏愿）的需要与教育大蓝图的愿景（2012-2025）出发，而不是由一个掌权者的意愿来决定。
在报告里，我强调了教育和政治须划清界限。马哈迪要成为一个令人敬重的首相和政治家，须将国家的利益置于个人政治利益之上。当下的新政府须停止一切具有浓厚种族色彩，分化人民的政策。这些政策也是导致过去50年来，马来低层社会阶级与其他阶层的差距日益扩大的因素。
政府需意识到，马来西亚面临的主要危机是国家教育水准的低落，而不是马来族群贫困的问题，根据TIMSS（数学与科学趋势）的评估报告，15岁的大马学生在数学和科学方面的表现比新加坡，香港和上海落后3年。与此同时，马来西亚的生产力仅为韩国的1/3；而马来西亚学生在英语，数学和科学方面，在PISA（国际学生评估计划）72个参与评估国家中的表现，排名50多，远远落后于排名第10位的越南。
同样的， 在全球的经济竞争力，新加坡排名第2，马来西亚第24。明显的，马来西亚面对的更大挑战，绝对不是巫族与华族在经济上的悬殊，而是国民竞争力的低弱。
种种迹象也显明，对国家教育体系日益失去信心的父母，是跨越种族的。就读私立，国际学校的学生就有10万人，而在华小就读的马来土著学生，就超过10万人，占华小总人数的18％，在一些乡区甚至高达20-30％；此外，一些马来人也选择私人营运的宗教学校，如就读于Musleh-Ikram组织开办的伊斯兰学校学生，就达2-4万人。有关学校的领导层也热衷于寻求合办跨族群的活动，以开拓学生多元学习的机会。
在全球化时代下多元性日显重要，而华校显然的有潜能成为塑造真正马来西亚文化的大熔炉。实际上，大学的主要任务是培育具有知识，竞争力的个体及前瞻有作为的国家领袖。在这大前提下，现任政府必须让教育恢复其角色，为国家培养英才，作为提升国家竞争力与社会延续的桥梁。通过实现其在第14届选举时的承诺，给予统考文凭应有的承认，是马哈迪作为马来西亚政府领袖应尽的职责。
●本文为作者《为何拖延承认统考？》研究报告的概要。
《为何拖延承认统考？─理由、指控、符合性与政府职责》（Why The Delay In Granting Recognition of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) REASONS, ALLEGATIONS, RELEVANCE AND ROLE OF GOVERNMENT）原文：
The Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) was first held in 1975, despite the objections of Dr. Mahathir, the then Education Minister. It was the collective agreed decision of Chinese education leaders across all 13 states in the country. It represents the aspiration of the Chinese community for an education system underpinned by the heritage of culture and good values in the younger generation.
Today, after 43 years, UEC is accepted by 1,000 universities across the world for the admission of Chinese Independent School (CIS) student in studies. Additionally substantial scholarships are awarded to the top performing CIS students. by top-notch universities such as Peking, Tsing Hua, National University of Singapore and Taiwan.
The benchmark of the quality in the CIS education is well reflected in the prominent track record of UEC alumni across industries – be it locally at the Small Medium Enterprise (SME) or conglomerate level and by MNCs at the national and international level represented by YTL, IOI, QL Resources, etc. Most prominent is the achievement of the invention of the world’s first pen drive by Phua Khein Seng, an ex-student of Pin Hua High School. Parallel testimony is the 100 Chong Hwa High School
alumni who were PhD and post Doctorate researchers in advanced study fields in the world topnotch universities of Princeton, Yale, Oxford, Bath and Toronto as early as in the 1980s and later.
They are the talents needed to develop the country in the areas of power engineering, Artificial
Intelligence(AI), power dynamic control, transportation, chemical engineering, water treatment etc.
The current Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Dr.Mahathir, in responding to the delay in the granting
recognition to the UEC (as promised in the GE14 Election Manifesto), indicated the need to consider the feelings of the Malays and closing of socio-economic gap between them and the Chinese.
Parallel development is the strong objections and allegation from opposition political parties, Malay NGOs, academic and the Malay university students. A special UEC Study Committee has been set up to study the relevancy of the UEC. Amongst others the study includes the status of Malay as the national language, the issue of a Malaysian Identity and relevancy of UEC’s History curriculum in nation building as indicated by the current Education Minister. The true conflict of interest in the UEC’s recognition involves the admission of CIS students into public university education and employment in the public sector.
This research reports on the delay in granting recognition of the UEC. It is based on a case study of 6 CIS located in Klang and KL. On site DATA COLLECTION comprised documentary analysis and semistructured interviews with school principals, teachers and students. Referal respondents included representatives of school Board of Governors, retired principals and teachers. Statistical data includes triangulation of various perspectives sought through interview meetings with the administrative team of Dong Zong on all aspects of the curriculum, assessment, policy and leadership. Documentary analysis covers examination of the 3 policy papers issued by Dong Zong , i.e. the 1973 CIS Proposal, 2005 Education Reform Proposal and 2018 CIS education Blueprint as well
as consulting the statistical data and policy papers of the country. Additionally bulletins produced by Dong Zong and the respondent CIS were also reviewed.
Specifically this research provides a quick glimpse into the background that gave rise to the birth of CIS and UEC education system. It journeys the 5 phases of evolution of the CIS between 1960 to present day, from a distressed state to its revival and then the increasing physical, teaching and learning consolidation phase. It depicts the transformation of CIS from an education model of safeguarding the heritage of culture and values using mother tongue as language medium while maintaining prominence in the teaching of Maths and Science to one that reiterates counselling, cocurricular activities, social science studies, nurturing reading habit and student ownership in school mission of preparing students to face challenges in life, living and the changing time. More distinctively is the contemporary focus on preparing students to keep pace with the development and changes in the digital age and in the world through the teaching of STREAM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Maths (STEM) + Culture of Reading, Research and Arts /Humanity).
Parallel to this is the increased cross cultural activities hosted by individual CIS for the student and teacher communities’ participation from the Musleh religious schools. The most recent cross cultural activity was held at the State level in Johor where students from 9 CIS participated in simulated preparations for a Malay wedding as an appreciation of diversity between the norms, forms and culture between the Malay and the Chinese communities.
More significantly, the research provides insight into the basis of the rhetoric and allegations made about the UEC. To a certain extent this could be regarded as the side effect of the teaching of a distorted History curriculum in public schools where 40 to70% of the subject matter is about the glory and the supremacy of one race, one culture, and one religion while diminishing the mention of the contribution of the minority ethnics in the country.
History education experts such as Ranjit Singh and Prof Onn Huann Jan have repeatedly raised their concerns. The most undesirable concern are the actions of political model figures to instil fear and distort facts in promote conformity andfish for political gain witihn the Malay ethnic community as often raised by the renowned elitist - Mariam Moktar.
The research provides a broader yardstick for the government to justify the relevance of the UEC curriculum in nation building instead of harping on the superior racial card and the call for the Malaysian identity or national ideology. It is a matter of fact that there is no issue to mandate CIS students to sit for the SPM Malay paper. Between 2015 and 2017, 10,000 or 70% of the CIS students sat for the SPM Malay exams achieving 90% passes with 10% distinctions and 40-45% credits. Such performance sufficiently refutes the biased allegations about the poor command of CIS students in the national language.
With regards to UEC history curriculum, it serves the nation’s History education purpose. It gives students a broader perspective to understand events in the world including narrating the country’s history within the context of happenings in the region and the world without bias or distortion as observed in the post 1980‘s public schools history curriculum (Ranjit Singh). This is aligned with aspirations outlined in the Malaysian Education Blueprint (MEB,2013-2025) to produce students who are knowledgeable, critical in thinking and are able to engage with deep learning in humanity subjects.
Justification is also provided for the recognition to be rendered to the UEC as an alternative to reduce the brain and talent drain of Malaysian Chinese UEC holders who now constitutes one of the major talent source pools in Singapore. The academic excellence and quality of alumni are most favoured by MNCS from both the West and East (in particular Taiwan and China) who top the country’s FDI. The CIS students close the cultural and lingual gaps faced by the MNCS from the mono lingual Chinese speaking countries.
The CIS alumni is also a valuable resource to the country as many are self-employed social entrepreneurs providing employment for hundreds of thousands of Malaysians across all 22 Small Medium Enterprise (SME) sectors. Their resourcefulness should be tapped to realise the aim of Malaysia to be a developed country and a regional education hub as clearly spelt out in the VISION 2020 and the Malaysian Education Blueprint (Higher Education, 2015-2025).
The most significant contribution of the CIS is as a community funded school system that has alleviated the Government’s annual financial burden by enabling an enrolment of 85,000 CIS students (in 2019) with an alumni body of 650,000.The inclusion of CIS students in public universities should be regarded as a policy to fulfil the need for social mobility to those from the M40 and B40 and to fill the social cultural diversity gap faced by the mass Malays who are alienated from other ethnics owing to the divide and rule policy practiced in the country. Similarly is the need for the inclusiveness of UEC students to be civil servants in the public sector as the means to promote social integration and enhance social sustainability of a country as clearly spelt out in the United Nation’s Standard Development Goal(SDG).
It is obvious that diversity represented by multi ethnics, multi lingual and culture is an asset to the country. The UEC issue must not be turned into a racial and populist issue for the political gain of a few politicians to merely retain their power and control.
The major contribution of the study identifies the role of Government in education as a public good and its accountability for social sustainability for the country’s aspiration to be a develop nation. The decision on the UEC recognition has to be aligned with the aspirations laid out in the national and educational blueprints and certainly not dictated by those in power. The research analysis stresses the need for a clear dividing line to be drawn between education and politics, and for Tun Dr. Mahathir to be the trustworthy PM and statesman who places the country’s interest above the individual politician.
It is time for the new ruling government to stop the divide and rule policy that has already torn the country apart illustrated by the widespread cheating and corruption scandals amongst the GLCs, eg.1MDB, Felda, Tabung Haji etc. These are amongst the major underpinning factors that account for the wide social-economic gap faced by the B40 Malays in the past 50 years.
The Government needs to be aware that the major crisis facing Malaysia lies in the failure of education system as clearly reflected in the PISA(Program for International Student Assessment) and TIMSS (Trend in Maths and Science Survey) assessment reports where the 15 year old Malaysian student’s performance in Maths and Science is reported to be 3 years behind that of Singapore, Hong Kong and Shanghai.
Simultaneously the productivity of the Malaysian workforce is only one third of that in Korea while15 year ole Malaysian students’ performance in English, Maths and Science is in the range of 50 out of 72 participating countries (with Vietnam in 10th .position).
There is indication of the increasing loss of faith of parents across ethnics in the national public school system. This is reflected in the 18% Malay (bumiputra) student population in SRJKC (out of more than 100,000 Malay students) which is even higher at 20-30% in the rural areas. This speaks of the Malay community’s aspiration for a resilient quality education system that is represented by diversity in language, culture and learning environment.
The trend is similarly noted in the 20,000 to 40,000 student enrolment in Musleh-run religious schools where individual principals and the Musleh-Ikram Principal Council have mutually initiated collaborative activities across culture and faith with CIS in the country.
The Chinese medium schools appear to be a potential melting pot for the formation of a genuine Malaysian culture which appreciates richness in diversity crucial in the era of globalisation. In reality the role of university is to churn out knowledgeable and competent human and social capital with potential leaders who aspire and have love and concern for the wellbeing of the people in the country. In this respect the present Government has to be trustworthy to restore the role of education by realising the pledge that it has made in the GE14 Election by granting UEC its due recognition.
