要反击马来西亚的种族主义，必须从官方立场和论述开始。这些论述包含几个关键要素。首先，就是完全忽略种族主义存在的现实，在政府文件中，完全没有提及或指向种族主义的词语。
搜索国家的官方和行政记录，例如与社会政策和法律法规相关的记录，种族主义字眼在官方文献中就如消失在一个大黑洞般。
在国家的官僚体系和政治词汇中，好像就不存在“种族主义”这个词和概念。或者，其被彻底删除掉，以否认这种信念及思想观念的存在，即人们具有不同的行为特征，因此应根据一个种族相对于另一个种族的优劣来加以区分。
同时，这种对“种族主义”用语和术语的故意清除，伴随著的是不断对《联邦宪法》第153条文重新诠释的书写，以佐证种族主义下的政策之合理性。这两个，术语和意识形态的发展过程，不断被统治者重复和强化，以使其根深蒂固地成为国家运作的真理。
我们从其他地方看到，种族主义的思想观念和政治制度是如何导致对被界定为或被视为歧视和敌视某一族群的措施和政策，得到社会的容忍。这样的结构下，提供了我们理解反种族歧视的“黑人的命也是命”运动之背景。希望这样的运动可以推动重塑全世界和马来西亚的种族政策和政治。
为何马来西亚官方对国内存在的种族主义视而不见，这有待研究和分析。我们的政治语言学者，历史学者和政治学者可能会对“种族主义”这个词为何被删除或似乎变成一个禁忌语有所解释，但事实是，在其他多元族群国家、联合国，甚至其他国际机构的政策文件中，都能看到种族主义这个字眼。
如今，我们也许已知道，尽管在马来西亚没有禁止使用种族主义的字眼，但官方对种族主义存在的否认和忽视，使得国人对公共领域和私人生活空间存在的种族主义形式，更难以做出应对和反击。
另一个更严重的后果是，马来西亚人可能对种族主义行为，不管是来自政客、官僚、朋友和家人，会变得无动于衷或习以为常。因此，根植于种族主义和种族主义政策的举动，被认为是可以接受的；在世界其他地方，都不会容忍公开的种族主义行为时，在这里却被许多方面认为是正当和合理的。
面对种族主义时，这种缺乏反省或忽视的应对，也许可以解释为何最近一项民调中，当问及：“在您所居住的国家，种族歧视有多严重时？”，在受调查的76个国家中，马来西亚是种族歧视第二严重的国家（请参阅https://www.indexmundi.com/surveys/results/8）。这项在线调查的马来西亚人样本，数量是很小。因此，令人期待的是，如果统计局或较少政党政治色彩的政府机构，对类似的问题及如何反击种族歧视，进行全国性调查，其结果将可反映出国人的看法和观念。
各领域团体能做的事
如果依据种族、阶级、教育程度、农村/城市位置，州和其他关键变量来分析调查结果，会不会有显著差异？在公众认知里，这国家的种族主义根源是什么？马来西亚的种族主义在个人，组织和机构层面是否同样普遍？
例如，国家教育系统被确认为导致种族不容忍和种族主义滋生的根源。马来和非马来的小学因此受到严格的审视，并且指控国小和国民型小学是阻碍族群团结和融合的因素。
实际上，教育部应优先考虑的政策是：通过由外部具声望的组织进行专业调查，其研究结果和建议，可帮助我们如何重新调整学校的教育体系，从而培养出较少受到种族主义病毒荼毒的年轻马来西亚人。
同时，我们不能允许政府和官僚来打开种族歧视主义的潘多拉盒子。自我们独立以来，这从未发生过，也不会在未来发生。
其他利益相关者必须从美国黑人弗洛伊德事件中得到启发，将种族主义问题摆在公众意识的前面。他们也需积极主动并努力在其所在选区中反击种族主义。
在我们社会里至少有五个重要领域的团体，可以在本身范围内对国内种族主义问题和如何反击，提供指引。
这些领域是：1.宗教团体和机构可通过提高信徒反种族主义意识，拒绝种族主义；
2.学术界应对造成或确立种族主义的政策和施政、法律和体制结构进行研究；
3.媒体应对国内外种族主义的新闻给予报导和评论；
4.智囊团应标识出种族民粹主义和民族至上主义的意识形态和追随者，并驳斥他们的种族偏见政策和行为；
5.民间社会组织应通过辨认和拒绝种族主义以及种族主义政策和计划，以推动塑造一个包容的多元族群社会。
作为开端，可从欲参选下一届大选的政党著手。他们可从各自政党的宣言开始，阐明党对种族主义的立场，并提供详细计划，说明如何展开反击种族主义和种族歧视所需的漫长旅程。
《反击大马的种族主义》（Countering Malaysiaˇs Racism）原文：
To counter racism in Malaysia it is necessary to start with the official position and narrative on it. This narrative consists of several key elements. The first is to simply ignore its reality by deleting mention or reference to the word in the government documents.
Search of the nationˇs official and administrative records such as those related to social policies and laws and regulations shows up a big black hole in the official literature on the term.
It is as if the word and concept of ¨racism〃 does not exist in the nationˇs bureaucratic and political vocabulary. Or that it has been thoroughly erased to deny the existence of this belief and its mindset which holds that people possess different behavioral characteristics and hence should be differentiated according to the superiority or inferiority of one race over another.
At the same time this deliberate purge of the racism word and term has been accompanied by a continuing avalanche of writing aimed at reinterpreting article 153 of the federal constitution to justify policies of racial actions aimed at ethno-supremacist outcomes. These twin processes of terminological and analytical ideology development are constantly repeated and reinforced by the ruling authorities so that they can become entrenched as the nationˇs operative truth.
We have seen from elsewhere how a racist mindset and political system results in the condoning of actions and policies of discrimination and antagonism towards others defined or seen as belonging to another race. This construct provides the backdrop to understanding the resistance to it by the ¨Black Lives Matter〃 movement. This movement, hopefully, can help to reshape race policies and politics all over the world and in Malaysia.
Why has this omission of any official reference to racism happened in Malaysia awaits research and analysis. Our political linguists, historians and political scientists may have their explanation on why the term has been expurgated or appears to be a taboo one despite the fact that it is to be found in the governmental and policy documents of other multiracial countries, and in the United Nations and other international bodies.
For now it may be sufficient to note that although use of the term is not proscribed or banned in Malaysia, the official denial and blindness to racism has made it much more difficult for everyone in the country to deal with it and to oppose its manifestation in public and private life.
Another more serious consequence is that Malaysians may have become more blase or are inured to the practices of racism wherever it may come from - by politicians, bureaucrats, friends and family. Thus actions rooted in racism and racist policies are seen as acceptable; and vitriolic public displays of racism which would not be tolerated elsewhere in the rest of the world are regarded as justifiable and applauded by many quarters here.
What does Racism Look LIke
This inability to look at ourselves hard in the mirror or to look the other way when confronted by racist actions may perhaps explain why a recent survey which asked the question ¨how big of a problem is racial discrimination in the country where you live?〃 ranked Malaysia as the second most racially discriminatory country of 76 countries covered in the survey (see https://www.indexmundi.com/surveys/results/8).
The online survey had a very small sample size of residents from Malaysia. It will be interesting to find out what a national survey conducted by the Department of Statistics or another less politically partisan government agency on the subject and how to combat racial discrimination will produce in the way of the perceptions and attitudes of the Malaysian public.
Will there be significant differences if the findings are analysed by race, class, educational level, rural/urban location, state and other critical variables? What does the public see as the main sources of racism in the country? Is racism in Malaysia equally pervasive at individual, systemic and institutional levels?
The national educational system, for example, has been identified as a source of racial intolerance and breeding ground of racism. Malay and non-Malay primary schools have come under scrutiny and charges have been levelled that SJKs and SRJKs are responsible for the lack of racial unity and integration. What is the truth clearly needs to be a subject of policy prioritization by the Ministry of Education. A professional survey conducted by an external reputable organization should be able to provide findings and suggestions on how we can recalibrate our schooling system to produce a younger generation of Malaysians less sickened by the virus of racism.
Meanwhile we cannot leave it to the government and bureaucrats to open up the pandoraˇs box on racism in Malaysia. That has not happened since we became independent and will not happen anytime soon.
Other stakeholders must take courage from the Floyd aftermath and put the issue of racism out into the forefront of public consciousness. They also need to be proactive on how best they can fight it within their own constituencies.
Alternative Voices on Racism
There are at least five important groups of voices that can shine their own light on racism in Malaysia and provide guidance on how we can combat it.
These are
1.The religious institutions by raising the consciousness of their religious constituencies in rejecting racism
2.The academic community through the study of policies, practices, laws and institutional structures that create or perpetuate racism
3.The media through news coverage and commentaries on racism at home and abroad
4.The think tanks in identifying ethno-populist and ethno-supremacist ideologies and ideologues and rebutting their interpretation of racially slanted policies and conduct
5.Civil society organizations through identification and rejection of racism and racist policies and programs in propagating a multi-racially inclusive society
For now a start can come from the nationˇs political parties vying in the next general election. They can begin by working into their respective party manifestos a statement of their party position on racism and provide a detailed plan on how the nation can begin the long journey needed to counter racism and racial discrimination.
